Risks Assessment of Work Environment of Titanic Cove Resort Essay

Final exam Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Last, most important test - Assignment Example Vital administration likewise accepts the accountability of deciding if the methodology requires any alteration due the adjustment in the outside condition of the substance. Subsequently, it very well may be gathered key administration framework is profoundly significant for an organization’s endurance in a serious industry. So as to build its offer in the general market, an association needs to expand its client base. Purchasers are exceptionally significant for an association since it is the end buyer that decides the accomplishment of an association. In the event that the association figures out how to keep up altruism among the purchasers, it would be effective in securing the piece of the pie in any case the association probably won't have the option to confront the dangers presented by its rivals. Vital administration framework enables an association to direct intermittent assessment of the outside elements that influence the organization’s methodology and one of those components is the consumer’s request. In this way, by utilizing vital administration framework, an association can survey the social patterns and the interest for its items among buyers. An association can likewise get input from buyers with respect to its items. As such, an association can offer better open types of assistance by utilizing vital administration framework and structuring its procedure as per the shopper request. Along these lines, it tends to be reasoned that key administration framework is significant for an association since it enables the association to plan techniques in the wake of evaluating the outside condition of the association. Thusly, the procedure dictated by the association would be in similarity with the customer patterns and the association would have the option to offer better open types of assistance. This would thus help the association in building its altruism among the shoppers too. Question 2 Please distinguish and depict five (5) k ey natural changes that can impact vital administration. An association is constantly influenced by the earth it works in. It can never be detached from its condition hence it needs to constantly adjust to its outer condition. There are sure outside elements that influence the key administration of an association. The natural changes that can impact the vital administration are; Political, Economic, Social, Technological and Legal. Political changes rely on degree to which the legislative specialists partake in the economy of the nation. The political changes that may impact an organization’s vital administration are changes in charge strategy, corporate laws identified with social obligation, changes in natural laws, limitations upon exchange and levies. Every one of these elements can influence the association as per the matter of the association. On the off chance that the association is an exchanging organization and it imports products in mass amounts, it very well may b e profoundly influenced by import limitations and duties on imports forced by the legislature. Along these lines, the association may need to adjust its procedure in like manner. Financial changes might be changes in loan costs, expansion rate and the trade rates. In the event that the association conducts business in universal market, any adjustment in return rates can impact its business exchanges. Social changes that may

The Great Man Theory of Leadership

The Great Man Theory of Leadership Theories Print The Great Man Theory of Leadership By Kendra Cherry facebook twitter Kendra Cherry, MS, is an author, educational consultant, and speaker focused on helping students learn about psychology. Learn about our editorial policy Kendra Cherry Updated on October 20, 2019 Westend61 / Ikon Images / Getty Images More in Theories Behavioral Psychology Cognitive Psychology Developmental Psychology Personality Psychology Social Psychology Biological Psychology Psychosocial Psychology Have you ever heard the phrase, Great leaders are born, not made? This quote sums up the basic tenant of the great man theory of leadership, which suggests that the capacity for leadership is inborn. According to this theory, youre either a natural born leader or youre not. The term Great Man was used because, at the time, ?leadership was thought of primarily as a male quality, especially in terms of military leadership. History The great man theory of leadership became popular during the 19th-century. The mythology behind some of the worlds most famous leaders such as Abraham Lincoln, Julius Caesar, Mahatma Gandhi and Alexander the Great helped contribute to the notion that great leaders are born and not made. In many examples, it seems as if the right man for the job seems to emerge almost magically to take control of a situation and lead a group of people into safety or success. Historian Thomas Carlyle also had a major influence on this theory of leadership, at one point stating that, The history of the world is but the biography of great men. According to Carlyle, effective leaders are those gifted with divine inspiration and the right characteristics.?? Some of the earliest research on leadership looked at people who were already successful leaders. These individuals often included aristocratic rulers who achieved their position through birthright. Because people of a lesser social status had fewer opportunities to practice and achieve leadership roles, it contributed to the idea that leadership is an inherent ability.?? Even today, people often describe prominent leaders as having the right qualities or personality for the position, implying that inherent characteristics are what make these people effective leaders.?? Arguments Against the Great Man Theory of Leadership Sociologist Herbert Spencer suggested that the leaders were products of the society in which they lived. In The Study of Sociology, Spencer wrote, you must admit that the genesis of a great man depends on the long series of complex influences which has produced the race in which he appears, and the social state into which that race has slowly grown...Before he can remake his society, his society must make him.?? One of the key problems with the great man theory of leadership is that not all people who possess the so-called natural leadership qualities actually become great leaders. If leadership was simply an inborn quality, then all people who possess the ?necessary traits would eventually find themselves in leadership roles. Research has instead found that leadership is a surprisingly complex subject and that numerous factors influence how successful a particular leader may or may not be. Characteristics of the group, the leader in power and the situation all interact to determine what type of leadership is needed and the effectiveness of this leadership.??

Meet the People Behind Donald Trumps Popularity

Many were shocked by Donald Trumps rise to prominence through the 2016 Republican primaries, and even more so by his win of the presidency. Simultaneously, many were thrilled by it. Who are the people behind Trumps success? Throughout the 2016 primary season, Pew Research Center regularly surveyed voters, Republican and Democrat  alike, and produced a series of illuminating reports on demographic trends among supporters of particular candidates, and on the values, beliefs, and fears that drive their political decisions. Lets take a look at this data, which provides an in-depth look at the people behind Donald Trumps popularity. More Men Than Women Through the primaries and as the Republican nominee, Trump was more popular among men than women. Pew found in January 2016 that men among Republican voters had more confidence in Donald Trump than did women, and they found that men supported him more than women when they surveyed voters in March 2016. Once Trump and Clinton officially faced off in the general election, the greater appeal of Trump to men became even more clear, with just 35 percent of women voters aligning with him. More Old Than Young Throughout his campaign, Trump was consistently more popular among older voters than among younger ones. Pew found in January 2016 that Trumps ratings among Republican voters were highest with those  40 years and older, and this trend held true as more voters switched to supporting him in March 2016. Pew also found in their study conducted in April and May 2016 that warmth toward Trump increased with age, and coldness toward him decreased. A full 45 percent of Republicans aged 18 to 29 felt coldly toward Trump, while just 37 percent felt warmly toward him.  Conversely, 49 percent of those aged 30 to 49 felt warmly toward him and 60 percent of those aged 50 to 64 did, as did 56 percent of those over 65 years of age. And according to Pews data, in a face-off with Hillary Clinton, Trump was expected to capture just 30 percent of the vote among those 18 to 29 years of age. The proportion of those who preferred Trump to Clinton increased with each age bracket, but it wasnt until voters passed 65 years of age that Trump got the advantage.   Less Rather Than More Education Trumps popularity was also consistently greater among those with lower levels of formal education. Back in the primary season, when Pew surveyed Republican voters and asked them which candidates they preferred, Trumps ratings were highest among those who had not attained a college degree. This trend remained consistent when Pew surveyed Republican voters again in March 2016  and revealed that  his popularity was highest among those whose highest degree was a high school diploma. This trend bears out in an examination of supporters of Trump versus Clinton as well, with Clinton far more popular among those with higher levels of education. Lower Income Free Trade Trumps greater appeal to those with less rather than more household income is unsurprising, given the statistical relationship between education and income. While he was still competing against other Republican candidates in the primaries, Pew found in March 2016 that Trump was  more popular among voters with  lower income  levels than among those with higher levels. At that time, his popularity was greatest among those whose household income was below $30,000 per year. This trend gave Trump an edge in the primaries, and perhaps over Clinton as well, because there are more citizens living at, around, or below that income level than there are those who live on higher incomes. As compared with those who supported Clinton, Trump supporters are more likely to report that their household income is falling behind the cost of living  (61 versus 47 percent). Even across income brackets for supporters of both candidates, Trump supporters were more likely to report this, outweighing Clinton supporters by 15 percentage points among those whose household income is $30,000 or less, eight points among those in the $30,000 to $74,999 bracket, and by 21 points among those with a household income above $75,000. Perhaps connected to the correlation between household income and support for Trump is the fact that his supporters were  more likely than other Republican voters in March-April 2016 to say that free trade agreements have hurt their personal finances, and the majority (67 percent) say that free trade agreements have been bad for the U.S. Thats a figure that was 14 points higher than the average Republican voter during the primaries. White People and Acculturated Hispanics Pew found in a June 2016 survey of both Republican and Democratic voters that Trumps popularity lies primarily in white people — half of whom supported Trump, while just seven percent of black voters supported him. He was more popular among Hispanic voters than among blacks, capturing the support of about a quarter of them. Interestingly, Pew found though that support for Trump among Hispanics came primarily from English-dominant voters.  In fact,  the  English-dominant  Hispanic electorate was closely split between Clinton and Trump, at 48 percent for Clinton, and 41 for Trump.  Among bilingual or Spanish-dominant Hispanics, 80 percent intended to vote for Clinton and just 11 percent indicated they would choose Trump. This signals a relationship between ones level of acculturation — the adoption of the dominant, mainstream culture — and voter preference. It likely also signals a positive relationship between the number of generations an immigrant family has been in the U.S. and preference for Trump. Atheists and Evangelicals When Pew surveyed Republican voters in March 2016, they found that  Trumps popularity was greatest among those who are not religious, and among those who are religious but do not regularly attend religious services. At that time, he also led his opponents among those who are religious. Curiously, Trump is especially popular  among white evangelical Christians, who overwhelmingly believed that he would do a far better job than Clinton on every issue. Racial Diversity, Immigration, and Muslims As compared with those who supported other Republican candidates during the primaries,  Trump supporters were more likely to believe that greater scrutiny of Muslims living in the U.S. would make the country safer. Specifically, a Pew survey conducted in March 2016 found that Trump supporters were more likely than those who supported other candidates to believe that Muslims should be subjected to greater scrutiny than other religious groups as a method of preventing terrorism  and that Islam  is more likely than other religions to encourage violence. At the same time, the survey of Republican voters found a strong and consistent anti-immigrant sentiment among Trump supporters. Those who backed him in March 2016 were only half as likely as other Republican voters to  say immigrants strengthen the country, and they were far more likely to favor building a wall along the U.S.-Mexico border (84 percent versus 56 percent among other Republican voters). As one can deduce from these findings, the majority of Trump supporters view immigrants as a burden to the country, see them as a threat to U.S. values,  and favor the expulsion of undocumented immigrants. Consistent with these findings, Pews April-May 2016 survey also found that the heavily older, white male fanbase of Trump believed that the growing racial diversity of the nation, which will make the population a majority of racial minorities, is bad for the country. Trump Will Make America Great Again Trump supporters have high expectation for their candidate. A Pew survey conducted between June and July 2016 found that the majority of Trump supporters believed that as a president he would make the immigration situation a lot better, and even more believed that he would improve it a little. Together, that means 86 percent of Trumps supporters believed that his policies would improve immigration (presumably by lessening it). They also overwhelmingly believed that a Trump presidency would make the U.S. safer from terrorism and improve the economy. But They Do Not Actually Like Him Fewer than half of Trump supporters ascribed any positive traits to their chosen candidate, according to a June-July 2016 Pew survey. Very few consider him well-informed or admirable. Only a minority expected that he would be willing to work with those he disagrees with, that he could unite the country, and that he is honest. They  did,  however, feel that he has deeply-held  beliefs  and that he is extreme. The Big Picture This set of facts, culled from a series of surveys conducted by one of the U.S.s most respected public opinion research centers, leaves us with a clear picture of those behind Trumps rise to political prominence. They are primarily white, older men with low levels of education and income. They believe that immigrants and free trade deals have harmed their earning power (and theyre right about the free trade deals), and they prefer an America in which white people are the majority. Trumps worldview and platform ​seem to resonate with them. Yet, following the election, exit poll data shows that Trumps appeal was far broader than polling and voting during the primaries suggested. He captured the votes of the vast majority of white people, regardless of age, class, or gender. This racial  division in the electorate further played out in the ten days following the election, when a surge of hate crimes, fueled by an embrace of Trumps rhetoric, swept the nation. Sources Doherty, Carroll. A Wider Ideological Gap Between More and Less Educated Adults. Pew Research Center, April 26, 2016. January 2016 Political Survey. Pew Research Center, January 7-14, 2016. June 2016 Voter Attitudes Survey. Pew Research Center. March 2016 Political Survey. Pew Research Center, March 17-26, 2016.

he growth of New Social Movements is evidence of a post-industrial society Free Essays

The aim of my investigation is to see whether the society we now live in is the fragmented post-industrial society that is described by post-modern thinkers and whether the growth of New Social Movements is actually evidence of this fragmentation. I have chosen to study this area because of the low interest shown towards party politics at the 2001 General Election which had a turnout of just 59%. My first objective is to look into whether there has been a so-called death of class in voting behaviour. We will write a custom essay sample on he growth of New Social Movements is evidence of a post-industrial society or any similar topic only for you Order Now Traditionally, the working class were seen to vote Labour and the middle class conservative; this is often referred to as voting on class basis. Secondly, I am going to examine reasons for why there is disillusionment with the ability of the state to distribute welfare as I saw on some government statistics that the approx 74% of the wealth in the UK is owned by the richest 25% of the population. This means that the welfare is distributed unevenly with the wealthier being at an advantage, so therefore 75% of the population of Britain has less than adequate welfare. Finally, my third objective is to investigate the disillusionment of ideas offered by political parties because they seem to make promises and often not carry them out. I am also interested in this aim because when political parties offer lower taxes no matter who comes into power the taxes always seem to rise every April. Context Post-modern sociologists generally see the society that we now live in as a fragmented post-modern society. Post-modernity as a whole entails a declining faith in party political organisation because of the disillusionment of the ideas offered. A research questionnaire carried out by Michael Llangberg (2001) on a small scale at a university in America showed that out of every 10 people he questioned 4 of them felt that political parties offered ideas that were worded to sound a lot better than they actually were. This finding links to my third objective of my rationale as I am investigating into this area. My three objectives stated in my rationale are interrelated social developments, which are used by some as evidence of a post-industrial society, one where traditional class struggle and political issues no longer exist. For Hallsworth (1994) the term New Social Movement â€Å"is one developed to refer to the wide and diverse spectrum of new, non-institutional political movements which emerged in Western Liberal Democratic societies during the 1960’s and the 1970’s. Some sociologists see New Social Movements (NSMs) as reflecting a move away from class-based politics, which mainly focused around economic issues. NSMs encompass gay rights, animal rights, environmental issues and more; they are seen to draw support from individuals across class divisions. Paul Bagguley argues that a key difference between traditional (old) social movements and NSMs is that NSMs are less interested in economic issues but more in a post-modernist sense of focusing on lifestyle and/or identity politics. This helps to link to the so-called death of class based voting discussed in my rationale because it shows how people are more interested in NSMs (a move away from class-based voting) which in turn is shown by the 59% turnout of the 2001 General Election. For those attracted to postmodernist ideas, ‘NSMs are important as they indicate the existence of a new type of society and a new type of politics where class divisions are no longer a central political issue around which debates may focus’ stated sociologist Ulrich Beck in his book Risk Society. This more evidence for my first objective in my rationale. Butler and Stokes’ (20th century) study into voting behaviour maintained that there was a strong relationship between occupational class and voting behaviour. When it was a two-party system, Butler and Stokes argued that about 4/5 of the middle-class electorate voted Conservative and 2/3 of the working classes voted for Labour. If you refer to my first objective in my rationale, you will see that these results reflect it. They also argued that this partisanship was learnt through a process called political socialisation at an early age. Then, in the 1980’s a political scientist, Ivor Crewe presented a number of studies of voting behaviour in Britain and argued that the partisan relationship between class and voting behaviour was breaking down. Crewe concluded that although still significant, class has declined considerably in importance and that voters had to be seen as acting rationally when voting rather than simply voting on class basis and political socialisation. Whereas other sociologists argue that, the apparent decline in class-based voting simply reflects changes in the class structure and a more complex political system. In my rationale, my first objective can be looked into thoroughly using this material. Heath et al, argue (from their study) that class-based support for the major parties has remained at a significant level since the 1960’s, although there has been a slight decline in the relationship between class and voting. As there is many studies into my first objective from my rationale that all have the result of yes or no to a decline in class-based voting behaviour I will have to ensure I conclude this for myself from my research. Refer to my second objective in my rationale and you will see that when New Right thinkers Marsland and Murray argue that the welfare state has created a dependency culture and that the correct role for the state is simply to protect the freedom of the market to enable it to function effectively. In this way, the state would not act in a biased way protecting the interests of one class, but would enable all to have the opportunity to maximise their potential. According to Marsland and Murray, reducing the state to the minimum institutional framework necessary for this task would empower all citizens equally and thus the distribution of the welfare state would be equal. Methodology I have chosen to use a questionnaire for my investigation so that my research will be representative of a wider group. For my research to be of sociological value, I need to address the issue of the relationship between my situation research and the wider society. In order to do this I feel that using a quantative method of surveys and a technique of stratified sampling will work best. Practical and ethical issues also have their influence on research. Possible practical problems that may arise include time, money and access. Time should not be a problem for my questionnaire as it is on a relatively small scale and it is low cost so therefore money is not a problem either. Some social groups may not be willing to participate in my questionnaire because they may feel it is a biased questionnaire or for other reasons. The research participants that will partake in my questionnaire are informed at the top of the sheet that it is confidential and that they do not have to answer any questions they do not want to because participants have a right for the research to be confidential and private. My questionnaire is not covert research; therefore, I do not need to discuss this area. My sample will be a small-scale representation of the sampling frame ensuring that my research can be related back to the survey population. The advantages of using a questionnaire include the possibility to obtain a large number of respondents in a short amount of time and the advantage of the respondent having time to consider the questions. This will help ensure that my answers are more accurate. My main concern is the possibility of a low response rate as I have decided to allow respondents to take the questionnaires away ensuring more confidentiality. Another concern is that the questions can not be explained to the respondent if they do no understand what the question is asking; to limit this, I am going to try and make my questions simple, easily readable and explain my questions in brackets after that particular question. As questions can be either open or closed I have decided to use a range of both. I will include a majority of closed questions to give me comparative data while also including a few open questions so that the respondent feels they can explain their opinion on the issue. This will give me more of an insight to feelings about my topic. An example of my questionnaire is show in appendix A. Looking at appendix A. 1, you can see the population of the UK in age and gender, from this I have worked out how many people I will need to survey to get address the issue of the relationship between my situation research and the wider society. I am not going to be using any of my population aged 0-14years as I feel that they are not capable of understanding my questionnaire or for most of them reading it. Therefore, my final survey population total will be 39 males and 42 females with a grand total of 81. My table on appendix A. 1 shows you the ages and number of people to be surveyed for each age. Evidence As you can see (refer to appendix B answers to question 1) only 29. 62% of the population I surveyed felt that they were represented by a certain political party. All of these people felt they were represented by one of the three main political parties and these same people felt they were strongly part of the social class they ticked. In addition, approx 90% of these people said they are more than likely going to vote at a General Election. This shows that even though there has been a decline in class-based voting, there has not been a so-called death of class in voting behaviour patterns. This finding from my research agrees with the study by Ivor Crewe (discussed in context) but on the other hand conflicts with the conclusions made by Heath et al (also discussed in context). The results from my questionnaire answers 3a showed a large number of respondents to be supportive of single issue politics whereas the answers to 3b showed that a considerable percentage of those respondents did not know who to go to deal with their single issue. Answers to questions 4 and 5 showed some strong support towards New Social Movements although the number was small, as discussed earlier many respondents did not know where to go with their single issue. The previous two findings from my research agree with Paul Bagguley’s research, which was discussed in my context. The low percentage of people voting on class-basis and the higher percentage of people supporting New Social Movements agree with some sociologists when it is said that NSMs, which are mainly focused around economic issue such as gay rights, are also reflecting a move away from class-based politics. Therefore, I have considered my first objective discussed in my rationale and according to my small-scale study there has not been a death of class-based politics, just a decline. My second objective in my rationale should be answered by question 7b on my questionnaire. One answer by a 24year old female stated, â€Å"The welfare of Britain is unfairly distributed by the government among the top social classes, it is unfair but I feel there is nothing I can do to change this as the government seem to show fair distribution but it is not that way at all. † I feel this sums up the majority of the other answers I received in this particular question which shows that there is a disillusionment with the state to distribute welfare. The majority of scoring for the Sectors discussed in 7. focused around the 6-8 areas, which shows there is a general feeling that the sectors discussed although worryingly there are a range of scores with some people obviously being very unhappy with the sector and the way it has served them. If you refer back to my context to the study discussed by Marsland and Murray my findings contradict this as it is stated that the correct role of the welfare state is to simply protect the freedom of the market to enable it to function properly. Obviously, some people are displeased with the welfare state as they scored sectors quite low indeed. Looking back at my third objective in my rationale, I cannot comment on findings as I have realised my questionnaire did not cater for any answers for evidence to this point. Evaluation and Conclusions From my evidence, I conclude that in the Huntingdon area where my research was carried out that there has been a decline in class-based voting but not a complete death of it. In order to link this to wider society I would have to carry out further research as discussed near the end of this section. Secondly, I deduce that there is disillusionment with the state to distribute welfare discussed in my evidence section. Although, I do not feel that I gained enough information to make further conclusions on this particular objective of my investigation. To further my research I need to include some questions in my questionnaire that can answer and reflect my third objective discussed in my rationale. From the information I gathered, I could not make a fair conclusion or judgement on this objective. In order to gain a more accurate idea of the fragmentation of our society in this so-called post-industrial society where class-basis voting behaviour and political issues are no longer as important, it would be sensible to do some further research. Possible ways of furthering my research include recreating a questionnaire that would be suitable to a larger population and then to survey them to get an idea of the wider picture in societies other than Huntingdon area. I would like to continue research into the so-called death of class-based voting behaviour because my questionnaire was not accurate enough to say whether there has been or not. This is also a very popular topic but no one seems to have come through with a definite answer as many sociologists’ findings from research and studies is contradictory of each other. I could do this by holding interviews of certain people, analysing questionnaires and government statistics on electorate turn out at elections and the so-called social class definitions to try to understand what is happening in this post-industrial society as far as class-based voting behaviour is concerned. Overall I think my investigation was only valid for my first objective discussed in my rationale because I became to focused on this particular area and did not realise that my questionnaire did not really cater enough for my second and third objectives. Other than that I feel my response from my survey population was excellent as everyone I gave a questionnaire to returned it promptly for me to analyse and evaluate for my research. The respondents were all understanding and answered all questions necessary as I made it clear that it was completely confidential and that ethical issues and been evaluated. How to cite he growth of New Social Movements is evidence of a post-industrial society, Papers

When John Stienbeck Translated The Tales Of King Arthur He Realized Th

When John Stienbeck translated the tales of King Arthur he realized that he needed to maintain the elements of human nature that appeared through out the original stories. There are many examples of human nature in the sections of the book that we have read, there are good and bad aspects of human nature portrayed through the book and I will only mention a few. One example is when King Arthur tells the Lady of the Lake that he will do anything that she wants in exchange for the sword Excalibur. It is human nature to be quick to promise things when there is something important to us in exchange. We are more likely to do what ever it takes in order to get something we really "need". It is very rare for people to think before they act in situations like this; it seems that there are no consequences in times like these. People aren't only quick to promise things though, we are also very quick to judge things and people as well. An example of that from the book is when Balin asks to try to pull the sword from Lady Lyles' cloak, she refuses him at first because she thinks he looks like a peasant. To her " No person who looks like a peasant could be noble enough to conquer such a glorious task." Then, the sense of other people led her to let him try, and he pulled the sword, like she thought he couldn't. " Don't judge a book by its cover." One good thing in this book that relates to human nature, is people's willingness to stand up for their friends and people they care about. All through the book people are avenging their brother's or father's death. While that's not quite the case to day, people always try to get people back for the wrongs they have done. Whether it is through the legal system or through illegal activities, people are rarely afraid to avenge the unjust death of a loved one. Human nature is every where in this book, making promises without thinking of the consequences, being quick to judge, and "avenging" loved ones, are just a few. Human nature has many good and bad forms through this book. But I hope the general human nature is good.

Free Essays on St Valentines Day Masacre

The St Valentines Day Massacre What does one think of when they hear the phrase â€Å"The Roaring Twenties†, â€Å"The Jazz Age†, or even what our grandparents refer to as the â€Å"Golden Years†? It was the best of times. Women’s liberation was just beginning. The stock market was at its highest most glorious days. Alas, â€Å"The Roaring Twenties†. It was the foundation of the largest Cultural Revolution in America’s history. People were really questioning the meaning of life and finding out who they really were with the answers they received. On the contrary, many people only view this time period skin deep. It wasn’t the glorious, carefree days that past generations remember. They too had the problems of violence, scandals, drugs, sex, and alcohol. However, it was all underground. Let me take you back to a time where the girls were dancing, the music was blasting, and underground crime was at its peak. The date you ask? February 14, 1929. A date that would go down in American history as â€Å"The Valentines Day Massacre.† Prohibition was the eighteenth amendment, the Volstead Act, which was passed on October 10th, 1919 against alcohol. This Act outlined that it was illegal to import, export, transport, sell, manufacture, barter, and own any beverages which contained more than 0.5% alcohol excluding the alcohol used for medicinal and sacramental purposes. The law was passed mainly to reduce the crime and death rates in the United States. Prohibition did solve some of the problems in the United States for the first few years, but did not last for long. One of the worst effects of Prohibition was alcohol export being controlled by huge gangsters like Al Capone, who had his headquarters based in Chicago. More than 100,000 speak-easies were in New-York City alone. It almost seemed impossible to control the huge amounts of alcohol being transported throughout the United States. Al â€Å"Scar face† Capone was one... Free Essays on St Valentines Day Masacre Free Essays on St Valentines Day Masacre The St Valentines Day Massacre What does one think of when they hear the phrase â€Å"The Roaring Twenties†, â€Å"The Jazz Age†, or even what our grandparents refer to as the â€Å"Golden Years†? It was the best of times. Women’s liberation was just beginning. The stock market was at its highest most glorious days. Alas, â€Å"The Roaring Twenties†. It was the foundation of the largest Cultural Revolution in America’s history. People were really questioning the meaning of life and finding out who they really were with the answers they received. On the contrary, many people only view this time period skin deep. It wasn’t the glorious, carefree days that past generations remember. They too had the problems of violence, scandals, drugs, sex, and alcohol. However, it was all underground. Let me take you back to a time where the girls were dancing, the music was blasting, and underground crime was at its peak. The date you ask? February 14, 1929. A date that would go down in American history as â€Å"The Valentines Day Massacre.† Prohibition was the eighteenth amendment, the Volstead Act, which was passed on October 10th, 1919 against alcohol. This Act outlined that it was illegal to import, export, transport, sell, manufacture, barter, and own any beverages which contained more than 0.5% alcohol excluding the alcohol used for medicinal and sacramental purposes. The law was passed mainly to reduce the crime and death rates in the United States. Prohibition did solve some of the problems in the United States for the first few years, but did not last for long. One of the worst effects of Prohibition was alcohol export being controlled by huge gangsters like Al Capone, who had his headquarters based in Chicago. More than 100,000 speak-easies were in New-York City alone. It almost seemed impossible to control the huge amounts of alcohol being transported throughout the United States. Al â€Å"Scar face† Capone was one...